Today’s REVIVE show topic is entitled:
It would be amazing to hear your perspective. So please call in we want to hear what you guys out there have to say always. Once again this show is for the people. We here at REVIVE thrive off of communication. So call us at (215)490-9832. This episode of REVIVE will be an open forum so all perspectives can be heard through great conversation.
This episode on REVIVE is entitled “SUNDAY EDITION” on REVIVE RADIO! Call in to REVIVE at 215-490-9832, you never know what may happen!
Nikkolas Smith: Nikkolas Smith a native of Houston, Texas, is a Master of Architecture recipient from Hampton University, and Theme Park Designer/Concept artist at Walt Disney Imagineering. He currently assists in the concept development, schematic design, and construction of Disney Parks in Florida, California, Hong Kong, and Shanghai. After hours, Nikkolas also leads in youth mentoring every Saturday morning with the kids of Compton/Watts, CA, giving lessons in Photoshop painting, and life in general. His viral paintings have been featured in TIME magazine, ABC, Bleacher Report, the GRAMMY’s, BuzzFeed, and all across the Internet, in the form of freelance concept art (featured by Pixar for his digital painting of the Obama family as the Incredibles), activist art paintings (featured on CNN for his Trayvon Martin-inspired MLK Hoodie piece), & Hollywood movie posters such as Lionsgate hit, Dear White People.
Triona Roberts: Triona Roberts has been in sports her entire life. However, she started her journey of health and fitness in about 11th grade when her cousin Tiray was diagnosed with Bone cancer and was given 3 months to live. She became committed to health and sports in college when she realized nutrition played a vital role in her performance. She is now an independent track coach and personal trainer building her brand Trionasfitn5 to decrease childhood obesity and being aware of Breast Cancer.
YOU CAN CATCH REVIVE EVERY SUNDAY 11 AM-1 PM & EVERY WEDNESDAY 8 PM-10 PM!!!
It would be amazing to hear your perspective. So please call in we want to hear what you guys the listening audience out there have to say always. Once again this show is for the people. We here at REVIVE thrive off of communication. So call us at (215)490-9832 & follow on Twitter, IG & Facebook @REVIVE_POC
WE NEED YOU ALL TO BE APART OF THE CONVERSATION!!
You Might also like
By Elliot Booker — 3 years ago
By Ricky Riley Sept 17 th 2016
Parker’s 1999 rape case has dominated the press for his upcoming Oscar contending film, “The Birth of A Nation” press.
The then 18-year-old Penn State University wrestler was acquitted in the rape of an allegedly unconscious woman.However, the filmmaker urges people to see his film in spite of the that.“Nat Turner did what he did for us,” Parker starts. ” I believe in the healing power of this film … When people see this film they will see this time period with a different lens … Turner was skinned. They crushed his flesh to grease. That’s history. They wanted to erase his legacy. “Post Views: 249
By Elliot Booker — 3 years agoThe Montgomery-based Equal Justice Initiative is building a memorial to lynching victims. The group estimates more than 4,000 African-Americans were lynched in the South between 1877-1950. Among those targeted were black veterans. These men returned from war abroad having experienced something unfamiliar to them: being treated with dignity and respect –– something they didn’t receive at home in the U.S. Many black veterans challenged the racial hierarchy of the South and were seen as threats to white supremacy. WBHM’s Esther Ciammachilli spoke with Bryan Stevenson, EJI’s founder and executive director, to learn more about the legacy of lynching and the history of racial inequality in America.
Ciammachilli: Why were white people concerned about the African-American veterans who were returning from war?
Stevenson: When World War I comes along and the country needs black people to help win this war and tens of thousands of African-Americans sign up to fight for the government, there’s a new threat to racial hierarchy. There’s a new threat to the sort of white supremacy that dominates political, social, and economic life because when these soldiers return after World War I and then certainly after World War II, they’ve now been exposed to a world outside of the emancipated South. They’ve been treated in many ways with dignity and respect. They’ve been armed, they’ve been trained, they’ve been disciplined, they’ve had success on the battlefield. And when you come back like that, you do pose a threat to people who are trying to create and sustain this world where black people only submit to whites, that they live in the margins, they get off the sidewalk when white people walk by. They don’t talk back. They don’t ask questions. They are subordinate. And so, targeting veterans and challenging any sense that freedom or autonomy or equality is something that they could expect meant that black veterans were experiencing racial violence at a much higher rate than other people, and the lynching of African-American veterans after World War I, after the Spanish-American War, after World War I, and then after World War II really points that out.
Ciammachilli: And of the thousands of blacks that were lynched in the South between 1877 and 1950, how many of them were veterans? Do we know that number?
Stevenson: It’s a hard thing to determine definitively because the reports about lynchings would almost always provide almost no information about who the person was and what their background was. Our research is increasingly suggestive that as many as 10% were people who had some prior military experience.
Ciammachilli: And did this violence against black veterans only take place in the South or was it more widespread?
Stevenson: It was more widespread. I mean the states that had the highest number of lynchings were all in the American South, but you would find you know these threats all over the country. I mean in the north and the west where millions of black people were fleeing to from the South in response to lynching. There were these growing numbers of African-Americans which of course created challenges and tensions in those communities. So, you would certainly see this and in the Midwest and Ohio and Michigan and Illinois in Indiana. You would see it in the far west –– California Arizona, the northwest, you’d see it in the northeast. It was more concentrated in the American South because the American South, of course, had a rigid legalized system of Jim Crow and of segregation. And black soldiers would be tempted to step across those lines. They no longer thought that it was appropriate that they have to drink out of a colored fountain, or go to an inferior bathroom, or to get out of the way just because a white person was walking down the street.
Ciammachilli: They challenged the white supremacy.
Stevenson: Exactly. That’s right. This narrative of racial differences, ideology of white supremacy, was something that I think black soldiers felt obligated to challenge having fought for American freedom and equality.
Success abroad was also enhancing that. You know black battalions fought valiantly in France during World War I and were highly decorated and recognized. The same was true of World War II. And to be embraced by these these embattled European communities and treated as heroes to then be treated as less than human as inferior and not worthy of any dignity or respect when they got back to the American South was very difficult to accept. And so there were tensions and conflicts emerging from that.
Ciammachilli: And you know I want to talk about actually what it was like for these men who enlisted to fight for the American freedom that they did not enjoy as civilians. What was life like for these men while they were in the military? Were they seen as equals by their white counterparts?
Stevenson: Well even in the military there was segregation, and that’s why this was a national problem, not just a southern problem. The United States military did not permit black people to serve alongside of white people. You know during World War I or World War II, but they fought so valiantly and effectively that it became harder and harder for the American government to justify this kind of segregation. But there’s no question that even during their military service they had to deal with racial segregation and racial separate separation. But I think there was still an affirming experience because they were armed they were trained they were empowered to do things that they could not do on domestic soil and then they had success. And I think that success really created a consciousness that, you know, we cannot continue to accept this white supremacy, this ideology that we’re somehow less capable. And you know there were many leaders in the African-American community that were urging black people to fight during World War I and certainly during World War II on the hope that valiant service, successful service, would then create payment from the American government of freedom of equality. It would ensure that the American government would do more to eliminate Jim Crow and segregation and to end the terrorism and violence that black people had endured since emancipation.
Ciammachilli: And you know speaking of emancipation and following the ratification of the 14th Amendment in 1868, which states that all those born in the United States regardless of race are subject to the same “privileges and immunities” of citizens, following the passage of the 14th Amendment, several states actually made moves passed laws that essentially stripped certain rights from black veterans. Can you talk about some of those laws?
Stevenson: I mean, I do think that one of the challenges that we have in American society is that we haven’t really come to grips with how burdened we are by our history of racial inequality. I really don’t believe we’re free in this country. I think we’ve all been compromised. We’ve all been infected by this narrative of racial difference. I think our history of racial inequality has created a kind of smog that we all breathe in and it creates problems for us even today. It doesn’t take much to create distrust or offense or conflict. And I think that’s a product of our failure to deal honestly with this history.
I think we are a post-genocide society in America. I think what happened to native people when white settlers came to this continent was a genocide. And we haven’t done the things you’re supposed to do to recover from genocide, we had millions of native people slaughtered through famine and war and disease and we haven’t really addressed that. What we did instead was create this narrative of racial difference. We said, “Oh no, those native people, they’re savages. We don’t have to worry about their victimization.” And that narrative shaped the legacy of slavery. And as I’ve said, I don’t believe the great evil of American slavery was involuntary servitude or forced labor. I think the great evil of American slavery was the ideology of white supremacy. It’s the narrative we created to make ourselves feel comfortable owning other people we said black people aren’t the same as white people that got these deficits. They’re not fully human. And that problem wasn’t addressed with the constitutional amendments. They don’t talk about ending the narrative of racial difference or the ideology of white supremacy and because of that, you see states –– as you suggest –– creating local statutes and ordinances that are designed to prevent enforcement of rights under the 13th and 14th Amendment. And because of that, I don’t think slavery end in the 1860s, I think it just evolves. And the era of lynching and terrorism and violence that we witnessed in this country between the end of Reconstruction and World War II is dramatic evidence of that. There’s never been a time when you could see thousands of people gathering to witness a black man or woman or child being burned alive, being mutilated, being brutalized and murdered in the public square with no risk of prosecution.
Ciammachilli: As if it’s entertainment.
Stevenson: It was like a carnival. And the people didn’t wear a mask. People tend to think that this was violence committed by hate groups and the Klan. No these were unmasked leading citizens. It was often the elites, the teachers, the doctors, the writers, the people who were the business leaders of a community that participated in this violence and these mass atrocities were devastating to our commitment to the rule of law. And I don’t think we’re going to be a healthy nation until we acknowledge and recognize this legacy. When you go to South Africa, you can’t spend time there without being confronted with the history of apartheid. If you go to Rwanda they will make you listen to the stories of the genocide. Germany has created a new identity for itself by memorializing and marking the legacy created by the Holocaust. You can’t go a hundred meters in Berlin, Germany without seeing a marker or a stone that’s been placed next to the home of a Jewish family. The Germans want you to go to the Holocaust Memorial and reflect soberly on that history. But in this country we don’t talk about slavery. We don’t talk about lynching. We don’t really talk about the legacy of segregation. Here in Alabama, we’ve got hundreds of memorials and monuments honoring and recognizing the Confederacy. We romanticize that era. We celebrate Confederate Memorial Day as a state holiday. We celebrate Jefferson Davis’ birthday as a state holiday here in Alabama. We don’t have Martin Luther King Day we had Martin Luther King/Robert Lee day. And yet with this preoccupation with mid-nineteenth century history we do not talk about slavery. There’s no place in the state you can go and have an honest experience with the legacy of slavery. We don’t talk about lynching.
And so, our work is really aimed at changing that. We put out these reports about lynching and slavery. We’re going to build a museum here in Montgomery. We’re going to create a national memorial to victims of lynching. But we’re doing it because we want to create a different relationship to this history, not just for African-Americans, but for everybody. I think we will all benefit from dealing more directly, more honestly, more soberly with this legacy and we can change our identity too just as Germany has, just as Rwanda has, just as in South Africa. But we can’t do it by continuing to deny and resist efforts at confronting and acknowledging this troubling past.
To Read more Click or Copy link below:Post Views: 463
By Elliot Booker — 2 years ago
A pair of signs with racist phrases were found in Gambrell Hall at the University of South Carolina on Tues. Jan. 16, 2018. Screenshot
A pair of signs containing racial epithets appeared outside the University of South Carolina’s African American Studies department Tuesday morning, setting off a firestorm of complaints to the university and prompting an internal investigation.
Senior journalism student Leland Williams Jr. posted a picture of the signs on Instagram and Facebook on Tuesday, the first day of classes for the spring semester.
The signs partially covered a display of photos of historically important black South Carolinians on the second floor of Gambrell Hall, a liberal arts building at the university’s downtown Columbia campus.
The signs referenced “you stupid monkeys” and other derogatory terms.
Williams said he and other minority students found out about the sign around 9 a.m. via a group text message on GroupMe that includes many members of minority student organizations at USC.SponsoredThe Pizarro Law Firm, weHandling a wide range of legal matters not limited to Personal Injury, Domestic Relations, Criminal Defense, and Wills, Trusts, and Estates.
“The whole minority student body found out,” Williams said.
A university spokesman sent the following statement via email Tuesday afternoon:
“This morning, flyers bearing racist language were discovered in several buildings on campus. This is unacceptable and inconsistent with our institutional values. At UofSC, we strive to create a campus built on the tenets of the Carolinian Creed, inclusivity and respect for all. These racist messages run contrary to who we are as Gamecocks and have no place at Carolina. University officials are continuing to investigate the matter.”
Later in the day, he wrote that the investigation was ongoing, adding:
“Eyewitnesses observed a white male that appeared to be in his mid-40s in the area at the time the flyers were discovered. Video surveillance confirms that description and USCPD is working to identify the individual. Officials are not sure if he has any connection to the university.”
Student Body Vice President Dani Goodreau condemned the signs on Twitter Tuesday, writing that she was “disgusted.”
“This is an attack on our colleagues, our friends and our Carolina home,” Goodreau said. “This is an attack on our heart, our mind. I remain trusting in our university’s administration to stand against this atrocious display of racism — and an attack on UofSC core beliefs.”
Williams said he hopes the university follows through on the investigation.
“It kind of feels like USC doesn’t care about us, honestly,” Williams said. “It keeps happening in these small little instances, and it’s turning into something like this — we’re being called monkeys.”
Racially provocative signs have appeared at multiple colleges and universities around the state in the past year. Clemson University students found Ku Klux Klan recruitment flyers on campus in February 2017.
In November 2017, students at Coastal Carolina University and the University of South Carolina found signs posted around their campuses that said, “It’s okay to be white.” The slogan was popularized on 4chan, an online message board that has become popular with white supremacists and the “alt-right.”Post Views: 287