“Time for an Awakening”with Bro.Elliott Sunday 9-15-19, guest Obi Egbuna jr.
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“Time for an Awakening” for Sunday 09/15/2019 at 7:00 PM (EST) 6:00 PM (CST) guest was Journalist, Playwright, and U.S. Correspondent to the Herald (Zimbabwe’s National Newspaper) Obi Egbuna Jr. Reflections on the revolutionary life of Pres. Robert Mugabe, as examples of Global African struggle against European colonialism and imperialism, was one of the topics with guest Obi Egbuna Jr.
“Time for an Awakening” with Bro.Elliott, Sunday 9-08-19 guest Dr. Runoko Rashidi
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“Time For An Awakening” for Sunday 9/08/2019 at 7:00 PM (EST) our guest was Historian, Lecturer, Anthropologist, Dr. Runoko Rashidi. Along with taking about some of his recent travels and primary research, we discussed all things “Black” on the continent and the diaspora with our special guest, Runoko Rashidi.
“Time for an Awakening” with Bro. Elliott, Friday 9-06-19 guest Akil Parker
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“Time For An Awakening” for Friday 9/06/2019 at 8:00 PM (EST) our guest was Activist, Educator, Akil Parker. The methodology of “Histematics” as a teaching tool for our children, was one of the many topics discussed with our guest.
The birthplace of American slavery debated abolishing it after Nat Turner’s bloody revolt
By Gregory S. Schneider June 1
The first thing white people did after Nat Turner’s violent slave insurrection in 1831 was round up more than 120 black people and kill them.
But the next thing white people did was surprising.
Hundreds of them sent petitions to the Virginia General Assembly calling for an end to slavery.
Richmond’s newspapers argued fiercely in favor of abolition. President Thomas Jefferson’s grandson pushed a plan to free slaves and help them settle in the new African nation of Liberia. Even a leader of the militia that put down Turner’s rebellion called for a gradual end to slavery.
In other words, the insurrection almost worked. More than 50 white men, women and children had died in the bloodiest slave revolt on U.S. soil. It forced Virginians to confront the evil that was at the root of their society, and it just plain scared a lot of people. Thanks to public pressure, the General Assembly considered taking radical action.
But the votes fell short. Instead, lawmakers passed harsher laws that made African Americans’ lives even worse. They also aggravated divisions that erupted, 30 years later, in the Civil War.
This year, Virginia marks the origins of slavery in the English colonies. The first captured Africans arrived at Virginia’s Point Comfort in August 1619. The debates prompted by Turner’s insurrection were “the most public, focused, and sustained discussion of slavery and emancipation that ever occurred in . . . any . . . southern state,” historian Eva Sheppard Wolf wrote.
The sword that is believed to have been carried by Nat Turner during his insurrection. (Matt Mcclain/The Washington Post)
The process laid bare how deeply conflicted white Southerners were about the topic. There were slave owners who favored abolition and abolitionists who just wanted to get rid of black people. Petitions poured out from every corner of the state — about 40, signed by more than 2,000 people
In Charles City County, between Williamsburg and Richmond, a group of Quakers sent an eloquent plea for Virginia to remember the ideals that sparked the Revolution.
Slavery was “a system repugnant to the laws of God, and subversive of the rights, and destructive of the happiness of man,” the Quakers wrote. “We, therefore, solemnly believe that some efficient system for the abolition of slavery in the Commonwealth and restoration of the African race to the inalienable rights of man is imperiously demanded by the laws of God, and inseparably connected with the best interests of the Commonwealth at large.”
In Loudoun County, a group of women wrote that they were afraid for their safety. They called for a gradual end to slavery but also the removal of all blacks from Virginia, free and enslaved. A group in Buckingham County wanted an end to slavery out of fear that blacks would soon outnumber whites.
About 30 of the petitions aimed to get all people of color out of Virginia, Root found as he researched his dissertation on the subject. But not all of them wanted to end slavery; several called for purging the state of free blacks so that enslaved workers wouldn’t be influenced by them. Root found most of the petitions in newspaper coverage and compiled them in a book titled “Sons of the Fathers.”
The sentiments were so strong and so numerous that the General Assembly appointed a select committee to consider them. Proslavery legislators fought to keep the committee from taking up the issue of abolition and, in particular, tried to stop the Quaker petition from getting a hearing.
But the House of Delegates voted 93 to 27 to refer the Quaker petition to the committee. And for two weeks in January 1832, the Virginia legislature toyed with the idea of abolishing slavery and emancipating people of African descent.
Thomas Jefferson Randolph, a delegate from Albemarle County, invoked his famous grandfather in calling for a plan to resettle freed slaves in Liberia. The third president, of course, had been shamefully contradictory on the subject. His first act as a young Virginia delegate had been to seek an end to slavery, but he later wrote in his “Notes on the State of Virginia” that blacks were an inferior race. Jefferson also wrote that blacks had been degraded by their treatment by whites. While he maintained in letters that slavery was wrong, he deferred action to future generations.
Randolph proposed letting the people of Virginia (well, the white males) vote on whether to consider abolition. His plan called for a gradual emancipation; the first slaves wouldn’t go free until 1858. But as Wolf noted in her book “Race and Liberty in the New Nation,” the emancipation would begin on July 4, a proposal that “unmistakably recalled Virginians’ attachment to the ideal of universal liberty and the glowing words of Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence.
One Jeffersonian sentiment that carried power during the 1832 debates was the idea that bondage corrupted master and slave alike. Many of the calls to end slavery argued that it had weakened the work ethic among whites and that it hamstrung Virginia’s economy.
William Brodnax, a delegate from Dinwiddie County who led the militia that put down Turner’s rebellion, owned more than 100 slaves but argued to the Assembly that the institution had caused “the decay of our prosperity, and the retrograde movement of this once flourishing Commonwealth.”
Brodnax submitted a detailed plan for abolition and resettlement. He would have charged a tax of 30 cents per white person and used the proceeds to relocate 6,000 free and formerly enslaved black people from Virginia every year. He calculated that “in less than 80 years there would not be left a single slave or free negro in all Virginia.”
As racist as the Randolph and Brodnax plans were, they were benign compared with the rhetoric that flowed from the other side. The revolutionary ideals of freedom and equality that flowered in Virginia had become twisted and gnarled.
William Roane, a delegate from Hanover County and the grandson of Patrick Henry, argued that slavery was an inescapable fact of human society. “I think slavery [is] as much a correlative of liberty as cold is of heat,” he said. Or if that’s not stark enough for you: “The torch of liberty has ever burnt brightest when surrounded by the dark and filthy, yet nutritious atmosphere of slavery.”
Root said that kind of sentiment was what drew him to study the Virginia debates. “I was looking at the drift from the American founders, the drift from the Declaration,” he said. “And, in Virginia in this one moment, you had a prime chance to do something that may have staved off the Civil War.”
But this was not the founding generation of Virginia leaders. Slave owners from Tidewater held most of the power in the legislature. West of the Blue Ridge Mountains, whites were much more indifferent toward or even opposed to slavery — leading to the eventual separation of West Virginia during the Civil War.
Instead of rising to the founding principles of freedom for all, Virginia’s lawmakers stooped to a new idea of slavery as a positive good. Thomas Dew, who at the time was a professor at the College of William & Mary, wrote an essay called “Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature,” arguing that blacks and whites could never live together, that slavery was just part of human existence and that everyone was better off because of it.
Over the next 30 years, his essay became a major underpinning of the case for secession.
Ultimately, the General Assembly passed a resolution that was impotent with compromise. While it acknowledged “the great evils arising from the condition of the coloured population of this commonwealth,” it concluded that it was “inexpedient for the present, to make any legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery.”
Having come so close and failed, the legislature followed up by passing a slate of harsh restrictions on people of color, free and enslaved. They cracked down, for example, against preaching, gathering to worship and learning to read.
The outcome managed to “put Revolutionary-era dreams of a free Virginia firmly in the past,” Wolf wrote.
With that passing, of course, the way was cleared for Virginia’s role as the capital of the Confederacy.
In Southampton County, where Nat Turner carried out his rebellion, generations of residents have struggled with how to regard the bloody chapter of their history. Rick Francis, who is white and who lost several ancestors to Turner’s men, said it’s important to remember the impact of the rebellion. That gives him a sense of pride mixed with tragedy.
“Insurrection got it close, got it tight, but nobody could carry it across the finish line and end slavery,” Francis said. “We became in tune with the hardcore slave states from that point on. And we lost our opportunity to end slavery. But the insurrection got us to a point closer than we’d ever been before.”
The Nation’s Top Black-Owned Financial Services 2019 Revealed
by Selena Hill
June 26, 2019
The BE financial services companies include the largest black banks, investment banks, asset managers, and private equity firms. These companies manage trillions of assets as they diversify the capital markets and serve the needs of individual and institutional clients from Wall Street to Silicon Valley.
| RANK | COMPANIES | REVENUES ($M) |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | OneUnited Bank | 656.198 |
| 2 | Liberty Bank and Trust Co. | 591.541 |
| 3 | Carver Bancorp Inc. (Carver Federal Savings Bank) * | 590.000 |
| 4 | Industrial Bank | 433.851 |
| 5 | Citizens Bancshares Corp. (Citizens Trust Bank) * | 411.073 |
| 6 | Broadway Financial Corp. (Broadway Federal Bank) * | 407.170 |
| 7 | Harbor Bankshares Corp. (The Harbor Bank of Maryland) | 282.599 |
| 8 | First Independence Bank | 257.244 |
| 9 | M&F Bancorp Inc. (Mechanics & Farmers Bank) | 257.200 |
| 10 | City National Bank of New Jersey | 167.570 |
| 11 | GN Bank** | 139.902 |
| 12 | Citizens Savings Bank & Trust Co. | 103.080 |
| 13 | Unity National Bank | 93.832 |
| 14 | Tri-State Bank of Memphis | 82.336 |
| 15 | Commonwealth National Bank | 47.261 |
READ MORE AT: https://www.blackenterprise.com/be100s/financialservices/
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About the BE 100s Listing of the Largest Black-Owned Businesses
by
Selena Hill
June 26, 2019
From technology and manufacturing to food services and media, these companies represent the revenue and employment leaders of black business as well as its greatest innovators. Top 100 companies have also demonstrated economic impact by producing more than $25 billion in revenues and employed more than 70,000 workers.
FULL LIST
READ MORE AT: https://www.blackenterprise.com/be100s/top100/
Trump’s rise: African-American politicians must lead on Africa’s affairs
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Read the article and leave comments.
Trump’s rise: African-American politicians must lead on Africa’s affairs
Trump’s disregard for Africa and its affairs is worrying but presents a unique opportunity for progressive black leaders to shape US foreign policy
A Donald Trump presidency has grave implications for US relations with Africa. His meteoric political ascension ushers in an era of right-wing domestic extremism and international disregard.
Trump has exhibited an unabashed lack of interest in Africa. This is a continent where numerous countries play a key role in the US war on terrorism. Africa’s geopolitical importance also extends from its numerous natural resources, which are essential to global manufacturing industries. Other areas of import include its growing population, China’s broadening involvement, and rapid democratisation in many countries.
Trump’s lack of substantive interest in African affairs is worrying. But his disregard presents a unique opportunity for progressive leadership to shape US foreign policy.
The political left should leverage Trump’s foreign policy weaknesses to strengthen rather than weaken international partnerships. This is much the same as Democrats did during Ronald Reagan’s presidency. The left should also expand rather than retract US support for Africa’s democracies, democratic movements and its economic development.
African American elected officials, in particular, have an opportunity – if not an obligation – to reassert themselves on African affairs.
Visionary leadership in dark times
I was fortunate to come of age during the 1980s. It was a decade in which the Congressional Black Caucus exercised considerable influence on African affairs. In fact, it had greater influence than any African American organisation in history.
Reagan viewed issues of the global south through a Cold War lens. He was fixated on anticommunism. Such a narrow framework blurred the details of local and regional politics. But it provided opportunities for the Black Caucus to shape political narratives that advocated a radical departure from traditional US-Africa relations.
During the 1980s and 1990s, the Black Caucus’s initiatives toward African countries were shaped by progressive, activist politicians. Their roots lay in the civil rights struggle, the Black Power Movement and organised labour.
Its leaders included such charismatic, activist legislators as Ronald Dellums and Maxine Waters of California, Mickey Leland of Texas and Pennsylvania’s William Gray.
This high water mark of African American influence was a unique moment in US history. It holds many lessons for today’s politics. To effectively mobilise African American congressional leadership, it is useful to understand the Black Caucus’s strategic vision, nimbleness and political acumen during the 1980s. This was the decade of strength, despite the obstacles of the Reagan administration’s fixation on communism.
History’s lessons
Congressman Charles Diggs, a radical Democrat from Detroit, Michigan, was the founding chairman of the Black Caucus in 1971. He and his colleagues thrust African issues into congressional foreign policy debates. These included apartheid in South Africa, ongoing Portuguese colonialism, white-minority rule in Rhodesia and democracy and oil in Nigeria.
Diggs was a model activist legislator. He led official delegations to Nigeria, South Africa and Angola. He also created an NGO to raise awareness and funds in response to the growing famine in the Sahel.
Under his leadership, the Black Caucus submitted legislation and resolutions to steer US policy toward a country-specific approach and away from anticommunism as the determinant for where the US engaged in Africa.
During the 1980s activist Black Caucus members demonstrated solidarity with leftist regimes in Africa, the Caribbean and Central America. They led the push for historic anti-apartheid legislation in 1986 and record-level famine relief in 1985. They pushed the US government to give greater market access to African goods and political and humanitarian support for southern Africa’s Front Line States, the organisation of southern African countries opposed to apartheid.
The number of African Americans in Congress increased during this period. They asserted themselves as the most strident critics of Reagan’s Africa policies. The Black Caucus countered his deleterious programmes with the triple threat of legislation, mass organising and protests. They also coordinated with organisations such as the Free South Africa Movement and, beginning in the late 1970s, TransAfrica. Black Caucus members helped launch both organisations.
These are mere snapshots of the array of issues that kept the Black Caucus at the centre of US political discourse through the 1990s.
The decline of the Black Caucus
The Black Caucus continued with some relevance into the new century. But its collective voice has diminished to near silence. Many factors contributed to its current weak and largely symbolic political position.
In 1995, Congress eliminated funding for all legislative service organisations, including the Caucus. This forced its members to raise money for their initiatives.
Another constraint was George W. Bush’s War on Terror. This radical foreign policy crowded out possibilities for a progressive, humane foreign policy toward global south nations in the early 2000s.
During the Obama presidency, African American elected officials generally avoided presenting alternatives to the president’s policies. They feared weakening his capacity to withstand attacks from the right. Without this tacit support, it would have been impossible to push his policies past an obstructionist Republican-controlled House and Senate.
The Trump mandate
The consequences for African economies will be dire if Trump privileges a terrorism lens and pulls away from trade agreements, as he has threatened.
His trade policies will imperil the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which President Bill Clinton signed in 2000. The result will be increased tariffs on US imports from Africa. The Black Caucus must make the importance of AGOA evident to the public and the new US president. It must work to protect this legislation.
It should also protect Obama’s important Africa initiatives, particularly Power Africa, Feed the Future and the highly innovative Young African Leaders Initiative.
The Black Caucus must chart the US economic path in Africa. Trump’s protectionist policies will cause the economies of the leading US trading partners in Africa – South Africa, Nigeria and Angola – to tailspin. The Black Caucus should use press conferences, press releases, conferences and legislation to make clear the ways the US benefits from these African economic giants.
Ethiopia is also a country to watch. Although US-Ethiopian relations have recently strained around human rights and governance issues, Ethiopia has enjoyed a special status under Obama. This is largely through its cooperation in fighting terrorist groups in East Africa and its contracts with the Boeing Company. The Black Caucus must raise awareness of the US-Ethiopian partnership. But it must also demonstrate support for the ongoing movement for true democracy and political freedoms in Ethiopia.
In addition, the Black Caucus should outline specific ways the new administration might bolster the vibrant democracies of Ghana, Namibia, and Botswana. They must be promoted as examples for the entire continent.
Recently, its members have spoken out forcefully in support of the kidnapped Nigerian school girls. Their actions are laudable. But symbolic stances must be accompanied by policy and security recommendations for the US as it confronts Boko Haram in Nigeria and al-Shabaab in Kenya, Tanzania and Ethiopia.
During the Trump presidency, African American elected officials would do well to look at their own history of acting within Congress on behalf of African governments, movements and issues for strategies toward a progressive agenda on African affairs. It is imperative that the Black Caucus define the popular narrative for the US approach to African countries. They should weaken Trump’s hand before he whittles Africa into a caricature of terrorism, poverty and migration across the Mediterranean. History is the Caucus’s greatest weapon.
Benjamin Talton, Associate Professor of African History, Temple University
This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
“Proof of Consciousness” (P.O.C.) the Host of REVIVE Radio!!! 02/14/2018
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Today’s REVIVE show topic is entitled:
“Wednesday Edition”
#REVIVE #WeeklyThrill #SpecialGuest
#CurrentEvents #TrendingTopics
#LoveMix #LoveDay
It would be amazing to hear your perspective. So please call in we want to hear what you guys out there have to say always. Once again this show is for the people. We here at REVIVE thrive off of communication. So call us at (215)490-9832. This episode of REVIVE will be an open forum so all perspectives can be heard through great conversation.
This episode on REVIVE is entitled “Wednesday Edition” on REVIVE RADIO! Call in to REVIVE at 215-490-9832, you never know what may happen!
GUEST:
Melissa C. Beauchamp: A Fort Lauderdale Florida based photographer and fine artist. Founder of Mass Creatvty. Mass Creatvty is a business founded in 2012 by Melissa C. Beauchamp also known as Melissa Charyse. The name “Mass Creatvty” was created to encompass all that I am in the art field. I’m just a naturally creative person, so to label myself under one particular title would be unjust. I also wanted a name that represented the art industry in general. Anyone can be massively Creative, hence the absence of the letter ‘i’. It’s not just about me, it’s about art as a community, and as a culture.
Courtland Bragg: Courtland Bragg is the youngest Emmy-Award winning Associate Producer and full-time employee at NFL Films, the filmmaking arm of the National Football League (NFL). He has produced, directed and written for shows airing on ESPN, NFL Network, CBS Sports, HBO and Amazon Video. Aside from producing enterprise stories for NFL fans across the world, Courtland dedicates his life to inspiring the next generation serving as an inspirational speaker. His passion is to share his testimony in hopes to inspire others that “dreams do come true”.
Keishorne Scott: Keishorne Scott is a Man of God, husband, great father, relationship coach, bestselling author, and renowned speaker. Keishorne built his brand from scratch. At 25, he became a best-selling author of the inspirational book L.I.F.E, soaring to the New York Time’s bestseller list in 2012. At 27, he started his first company, Keishorne Scott, LLC, a relationship coaching and speaking business offering speaking engagements, workshops, conferences, seminars and reading the material. Keishorne has gone to publish three books; L.I.F.E., Keishorne says!, and Heart of Gold, with L.I.F.E and Heart of Gold hitting the Amazon bestseller list, in 2012 and In 2016. Book him for your upcoming events, join his one-on-one coaching calls or just email him to say ‘Hi’. Keishorne is one of the real ones, and what’s beautiful… is that he is not done yet!
YOU CAN CATCH REVIVE EVERY SUNDAY 11 AM-1 PM & EVERY WEDNESDAY 8 PM-10 PM!!!
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WE NEED YOU ALL TO BE APART OF THE CONVERSATION!!
“Proof of Consciousness” (P.O.C.) the Host of REVIVE!!! 02/18/2018
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Today’s REVIVE show topic is entitled:
“SUNDAY EDITION”
#REVIVE
#WeeklyThrills #TalkRadio
#RealEstate #Producer
It would be amazing to hear your perspective. So please call in we want to hear what you guys out there have to say always. Once again this show is for the people. We here at REVIVE thrive off of communication. So call us at (215)490-9832. This episode of REVIVE will be an open forum so all perspectives can be heard through great conversation.
This episode on REVIVE is entitled “SUNDAY EDITION” on REVIVE RADIO! Call in to REVIVE at 215-490-9832, you never know what may happen!
GUEST:
Dara Kam: Dara Kam is the senior writer for The News Service of Florida, based in Tallahassee. She has covered state government, politics and high-profile Florida stories for more than two decades. Her beats include the death penalty, gun laws, restoration of rights, the opioid epidemic and gambling.
LaNell Grant: LaNell Grant has always been a fan of music and poetry, she calls herself a Hip Hop connoisseur. Exposed to the music production after college. She knew she wanted to help kids, teenagers specifically, so she became a high school coach and teacher. In 2015 she went back to school to become a certified audio engineer. Shortly after she began volunteering with Tobe Nwigwe’s non-profit Team Gini that serves social economically challenged youth. Together they have spearheaded quite a few initiatives in South West Alief Texas (SWAT) where they are from. They just released a new single, “History” paying respect and homage to the beautiful ladies of the Nigerian Olympic bobsled team. On Tobe lastest EP out right now titled “Tobe From The Swat”, she has 6 tracks on there. All of the music is available on all platforms. Soundcloud, Spotify, Apple Music, Tidal, Pandora etc.
Hood Estates: Hood Estates is a real state company that motivates, inspires, and points people in the right direction with different tips when it comes to investing in real estate in the hood.
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WE NEED YOU ALL TO BE APART OF THE CONVERSATION!!
“Proof of Consciousness” (P.O.C.) the Host of REVIVE!!! 02/11/2018
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Today’s REVIVE show topic is entitled:
“SUNDAY EDITION”
#REVIVE
#WeeklyThrills #TalkRadio
#Photography #Dancer
It would be amazing to hear your perspective. So please call in we want to hear what you guys out there have to say always. Once again this show is for the people. We here at REVIVE thrive off of communication. So call us at (215)490-9832. This episode of REVIVE will be an open forum so all perspectives can be heard through great conversation.
This episode on REVIVE is entitled “SUNDAY EDITION” on REVIVE RADIO! Call in to REVIVE at 215-490-9832, you never know what may happen!
GUEST:
Kiira Harper: Kiira Harper is a passionate professional dancer who moves to the rhythm of her heartbeat. She has danced with various artists such as Trey Songs, Jidenna, Beyonce, Drake, Brandy and many more. Kiira is also a teacher educating kids and teaches dance classes.
Robert Laforet: Robert Laforet (Velimages) was born in Miami, FL and raised in Brooklyn, NY. He drew influences from the vast diverse culture of Flatbush, Brooklyn where he grew up. At age 12 he began filming neighborhood basketball games and by age 14 he attempted to put together a rap Dvd. By age 17 after taking a class in Photography he pursued a career in Photography. Starting his production company Velimages LLC at age 19. He went on to publish two lookbooks and shoot over a hundred music videos under the Velimages LLC label. In 2012 after graduation from Penn State University he focused his sights on independent film. Releasing two short films and a mini-web series under his new film company 1804 Films. Rovelt Laforet (Velimages) is an upcoming indie film director with sights on Hollywood, there is much to come from this young artist in the near future.
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MAYBE THE WHOLE WORLD NEEDS PROZAC!!!
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Join our conversation as we consider our survival in this mad, mad, mad world. We have assembled a panel of community activist who will review current events and indicate how they might impact Black America.
How must the African American community understand things such as the political change in Brazil; Lindsey Graham, and Trump’s birthright citizenship legislation; Pittsburgh killings; Florida bomb threats, the unreported killing of African Americans by whites; parking lot assassination of two grandparents by white terrorist; global warming and its effects; dirty politics and the midterm election; MAYBE IT’S ALL FAKE NEWS.
“WAIT, WAIT HOLD UP. JUST STOP THE WORLD I WANT TO GET OFF!!!
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