Posted by Ricky Riley
White Abolitionists Ran the Movement
According to Amherst College Black Studies professor David Blight, the issue of race carried over into the abolitionist movement. While white and Black abolitionists wanted to get rid of slavery, they often disagreed on how. In many cases, white abolitionists dominated the movement.
“And it was also especially frustrating to Black abolitionists to deal sometimes with the kinds of abstract debates that abolitionists would have, that white abolitionists would have, over doctrine,”Blight said in a PBS interview. “In the 1850s, Black abolitionists were about the business of building their own communities, and trying to organize real strategies against slavery in the South.”
William Lloyd Garrison
White Abolitionists Belittled and Silenced Black Freedom Fighters
Journalist and suffragist William Lloyd Garrison became a stalwart in the abolitionist movement and an ally to former enslaved man and abolitionist Frederick Douglass. According to Blight, their relationship in the 1840s and 1850s could be described as parental and demeaning.
The Garrisionians — white abolitionists who modeled themselves after Garrison — only wanted Douglass to get up and tell his story. Douglass wanted to discuss the various issues of racism in the North as well as the South but was recommended not to. Blight believed that “there was a struggle among white and Black abolitionists about just what the proper role of a Black abolitionist was in this movement.”
Segregation in the North: Boston, Massachusetts
Garrison was one of a few white Christians who spearheaded the abolitionist movement, but many whites in the North did not believe racial equality was possible. Black abolitionists funded many white abolitionists groups but did not get the credit or opportunity to be the face of the movement. The Garrisonians were one group that took donations from free northern Blacks but refused to allow them to speak on the segregation they encountered.
After the Civil War, the abolitionist movement and the women’s movement, which was once inseparable, split over the 15th Amendment. The last Reconstruction Amendment was ratified on February 3, 1870. The federal and state government could not prevent anyone from voting based on “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”
However, this new right made white feminists belligerent and uneasy. Despite the early support of Black abolitionists such as Douglass, suffragists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton could not fathom the idea that Black men might get to vote ahead of white women. This minor victory for Black people created newfound enemies.
The Strange Case of Elizabeth Cady Stanton
Author and historian Lori Ginzberg discussed Stanton’s blatant racism in 2009’s “Elizabeth Cady Stanton: An American Life.” According to Ginzberg:
“Asked straight out whether she were ‘willing to have the colored man enfranchised before the woman,’ she answered ‘no; I would not trust him with all my rights; degraded, oppressed himself, he would be more despotic with the governing power than even our Saxon rulers are.’ ”
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony
The Racism of White Feminism
The women’s suffrage movement was dominated by women from the upper class of 19th- and 20th-century American society. While their male family members ran society, they were stuck at home in subservient roles tending to children. Stanton and her contemporaries appeared at first to want to take down white supremacy.
However, after the passage of the 15th Amendment, it was revealed that they wanted to be a part of it. Author Barbara Andolsen pointed this out in her 1986 book, “Daughters of Jefferson, Daughters of Bootblacks: Racism and American Feminism.”
“They did not adequately identify ways in which that political power would not be accessible to poor women, immigrant women, and Black women,” she wrote.
As lynching and racial terror happened to Black people after the Civil War, white feminists were nowhere to be found. They benefited from their privilege.
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By Elliot Booker — 2 years ago
When Ashley Johnson, an artist from Chicago, heard about Taglit-Birthright—the program offering trips to Israel for young Americans of Jewish descent—she wondered why a similar program didn’t exist for people of the African diaspora. She Googled “birthright” and “Africa,” and was pleased to learn that one did—at least in theory.In 2005, Walla Elsheikh, a former Goldman Sachs associate whose father had been a Sudanese diplomat, heard a friend rave about a Taglit trip. She registered a Web site with the name Birthright AFRICA. She let the idea marinate, and nothing much happened, until she got a Facebook message from Johnson.
The two began a correspondence and eventually decided to launch the program together. In October, 2016, Johnson, who is thirty-three, and Elsheikh, who is thirty-eight, travelled to Ghana, where they met local entrepreneurs and saw relevant sights: everything from the notorious Cape Coast Castle, the center of the transatlantic slave trade, with its “door of no return,” to W. E. B. Du Bois’s last home, in Accra.
Elsheikh, who grew up in Uganda, Sudan, and Sweden, said, “Ghana is really seen as the gateway to Africa. Birthright AFRICA is built around the Ghanaian principal of sankofa—in order to know where you’re going, you have to know where you’re from.” The organization has, to date, financed a trip enabling seven young Americans to make the journey.
One evening, a City University program called Black Male Initiative, which supports access to higher education for students from underrepresented demographics, held a fund-raiser, in part for Birthright AFRICA. The m.c. was Jeff Gardere, also known as Dr. Jeff, a popular TV psychologist (Orion TV’s “Lauren Lake’s Paternity Court,” Reelz’s “They Got Away with It”). Lots of B.M.I. students attended the event, which featured an open bar and trays of chocolate desserts. Guests could be overheard chatting about clubbing (“We used to slow-jam at Leviticus back in the day”) and medical appointments (“Black men don’t like two things: prostate exams and therapy”).
All CUNY B.M.I. students of African descent between the ages of eighteen and thirty are eligible to apply for free Birthright AFRICA trips. Those who make the cut, Gardere said, explaining the program to the crowd, will first visit the African Burial Ground National Monument, in downtown Manhattan, and the National Museum of African American History and Culture, in Washington, D.C. Then, he said, dropping his voice to a whisper—“we’re going to give them ten days in Ghana.”
At Gardere’s prompting, guests began to raise their hands and pledge donations. An employee of Brooklyn College said, “A hundred dollars!” Gardere encouraged the crowd with impromptu personal incentives—“You wanna meet Phaedra from ‘Real Housewives’?”
Meanwhile, prospective Birthright AFRICA applicants were learning about the program for the first time. Jaleel Thomas, a young man in a suit, who was from Chicago, said he was intrigued. “I have a potential internship with Deloitte this summer,” he said. “But if you say, ‘Hey, Jaleel, I want you here in Ghana for ten days,’ I will make it happen.”
Devon Simmons, a tall criminal-justice student at John Jay, is the first graduate of CUNY’s Prison-to-College Pipeline, and he was interested in Birthright AFRICA’s international opportunities. “I just came back from study abroad in Cape Town, doing some research in regards to incarceration over there,” he said. “Next stop is Cuba, this summer.”
Elsheikh, Birthright AFRICA’s co-founder, is still in New York, but Johnson, now the program director, moved to Langma, Ghana, last year, in order to oversee ground operations. Elsheikh said, “Some of the scholars who made the trip were so into this myth” fuelled by the negative image of Africa presented to Americans. Making the trip “changed their life trajectory.”
The myth was further fuelled when President Trump referred to Haiti and some of the nations of Africa as “shithole” countries. “So it’s that much more relevant to dispel,” Elsheikh said, “particularly for people of African descent. Because it really hits your soul.” Johnson said, “We are not pushing a political agenda. But it’s inherently political to educate and empower black people.”
On the evening of the B.M.I. fund-raiser, a New York State assemblyman named Michael Blake gave the closing comments. “Don’t tell us our kids are not exceptional!” he shouted. “And I say to you, in the words of the great philosopher Fat Joe”—the Bronx’s own—“Nothing can stop you, you’re all the way up!”
READ MORE AT: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2018/02/12/roots/ampPost Views: 520
By Elliot Booker — 3 years ago
The fundamental program and strategy of Cooperation Jackson is anchored in the vision and macro-strategy of the Jackson-Kush Plan. The Jackson-Kush Plan, as you will read later in this book, was formulated by the New Afrikan People’s Organization (NAPO) and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement (MXGM) between 2004 and 2010, to advance the development of the New Afrikan Independence Movement and hasten the socialist transformation of the territories currently claimed by the United States settler-colonial state. And as noted in several articles throughout the book, Cooperation Jackson is a vehicle specifically created to advance a key component of the Jackson-Kush Plan, namely the development of the solidarity economy in Jackson, Mississippi to advance the struggle for economic democracy as a prelude towards the democratic transition to eco-socialism.
Although Cooperation Jackson is rooted in an ideological framework, vision and macro-strategy, it is not a static organization. Like any dynamic organization we do our best to center our practice on addressing the concrete conditions of our space, time and conditions and to align our theory with our practice. As such, our program and strategy are constantly adapting and evolving to address new challenges and seize new opportunities. And it will continue to do so.
The fundamental program and strategy of Cooperation Jackson is intended to accomplish four fundamental ends: 1) to place the ownership and control over the primary means of production directly in the hands of the Black working class of Jackson, 2) to build and advance the development of the ecologically regenerative forces of production in Jackson, Mississippi, 3) to democratically transform the political economy of the city of Jackson, the state of Mississippi, and the southeastern region, and 4) to advance the aims and objectives of the Jackson-Kush Plan, which are to attain self-determination for people of African descent and the radical, democratic transformation of the state of Mississippi (which we see as a prelude to the radical decolonization and transformation of the United States itself).
We define the means of production as the physical, non-human inputs that enable humans to transform the natural world to provide sustenance for themselves. The inputs in question are arable land, access to water, natural resources (wood, metals, minerals, etc.), and the tools and facilities that enable the cultivation of food and the transformation of raw materials into consumable goods and services, and the production or capturing of energy to power the tools and facilities. We also add control over processes of material exchange and energy transfer to our definition to give it greater clarity and force of meaning in line with our commitment to sustainability and environmental justice. The processes we feel are therefore necessary to control are the processes of distribution, consumption, and recycling and/or reuse. Without assuming some responsibility for these processes, we merely perpetuate the dynamics of externalization, particularly the production of pollution and the stimulation of waste from overproduction, that are inherent in the capitalist mode of production.
A population or people that does not have access to and control over these means and processes cannot be said to possess or exercise self-determination. The Black working class majority in Jackson does not have control or unquestionable ownership over any of these means or processes. Our mission is to aid the Black working class in Jackson, and the working class overall, attain them.
On the question of building the productive forces in Jackson, it should be noted that while Jackson is the largest city in the state of Mississippi, and arguably the most industrialized city in the state, it is not and never has been a major center or hub of industrial production. Like most of the Deep South, Mississippi’s development as a settler-colonial state has fundamentally been contingent upon the extraction of natural resources, such as timber for colonial and antebellum era ship building, and cash crop agriculture, such as cotton, tobacco, sugarcane, and rice, which were primarily sold as international commodities (see “Exploiting Contradictions” section below). Mississippi, like most of the South (North Carolina, Florida, and Texas being unique exceptions each in their own right), has not been able to break out of its historic position within the U.S. and world capitalist system of being a site of resource extraction and the super-exploitation of labor. One of our primary tasks is to break this structural relationship by playing a leading role in industrializing Jackson, first and foremost, then the Kush district, and eventually the entirety of Mississippi.
In many respects, we are positioning ourselves to act as a “developer”, which is normally a role that is exclusively played by the bourgeoisie, i.e. the capitalist class, or the state. We are aiming to upend this paradigm on many levels and in several strategic ways. One, we are seeking to negate the role of capital being the primary determinate of the social development of Jackson (see point below about exploiting the dynamic of uneven development within the capitalist system below), by situating this role in the hands of the working class through the agency of its own autonomous organizations and its control over the municipal state apparatus. But, we are not seeking to replicate the dynamics of “development” in the standard capitalist sense. The central dynamic in our quest to upend the old aims, norms, processes and relationships of capitalist development, which have little to no regard for the preservation of the environment and ecology, and replace them with new norms that are fixed first and foremost on repairing the damage done to our environment and ecosystems, and creating new systems that will ultimately regenerate the bounty of life on our planet, in all its diversity. This will be possible by strategically incorporating, utilizing, and innovating upon the technologies of the third and (emerging) forth waves of the industrial revolution, which enable the elimination of scarcity, but within ecological limits (see more on this point below). What we aim to do is make Jackson a hub of community production, which is anchored by 3D print manufacturing for community consumption, i.e. direct use-value consumption, and commodity production, to exchange value in consumer markets. How we plan to advance this initiative will be discussed in more detail below.
In order to democratically transform the capitalist world-economy, we have to transform the agent central to this process, the working class, into a democratic subject. This transformation starts with the self-organization of the working class itself. Although not foreign to the working class historically by any means, particularly to the Black working class in the United States (which was often left solely to its own ends for self-defense and survival), worker self-organization is not a common feature of the class at present. This is a dynamic that we must change in Jackson (and beyond).
Now, to be clear on terms, self-organization means first and foremost workers directly organizing themselves through various participatory means (unions, assemblies, etc.) primarily at their places of work or points of production, but also where they live, play, pray, and study. The point of this self-organization is for workers to make collective, democratic decisions about how, when, and to what ends their labor serves, and about how to take action collectively to determine the course of their own lives and the animus of their own actions.
We will not and cannot accomplish any of the core ends described above without stimulating the self-organization of the Black working class in Jackson on a mass scale. While Cooperation Jackson, the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement and the broad forces aligned with the Jackson-Kush Plan have made some significant social and political advances and demonstrated our capacity to reach the masses, particularly in the electoral arena, we still haven’t stimulated the self-organization of the Black working class on a mass scale. More work, profoundly more, must be done to accomplish the main tasks in this regard, which are to elevate and strengthen the class-consciousness of the community, foster and cultivate new relationships of social solidarity amongst the working class, and co-construct and advance new social norms and values rooted in radical ecological and humanitarian principles. In effect, what we are aiming to do is develop a new transformative culture.
In order to reinforce the development of this new culture within the present confines of Mississippi and the overall capitalist world-system, we have to harness the power of the Black working class and utilize it politically to eliminate the structural barriers blocking the “legal” development of the solidarity economy within the state. One of the main things we have to eliminate are the Mississippi legal statutes that presently restrict cooperatives to farming businesses, utilities, and credit unions. We have to create a new legal framework and paradigm that will enable any form of productive endeavor to become a cooperative or solidarity enterprise.
In the Jackson context it is only through the mass self-organization of the working class, the construction of a new democratic culture, and the development of a movement from below to transform the social structures that shape and define our relations, particularly the state (i.e. government), that we can conceive of serving as a counter-hegemonic force with the capacity to democratically transform the economy. Again, we have taken some baby steps in this direction with the Mayoral election of Chokwe Lumumba in 2013 and the founding of Cooperation Jackson in 2014. But, we have a long way to get where we desire and need to be.
“Politics without economics is symbol without substance”. This old Black Nationalist adage summarizes and defines Cooperation Jackson’s relationship to the Jackson-Kush Plan and the political aims and objectives of the New Afrikan People’s Organization and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement in putting it forward. Without a sound economic program and foundation the Jackson-Kush Plan is nothing more than a decent exposition of revolutionary nationalist politics. Cooperation Jackson is the vehicle we have collectively created to insure that we do more than just espouse good rhetoric, but engage in a concrete struggle to create a democratic economy that will enable Black and other colonized, oppressed and exploited people to exercise self-determination in Mississippi (and beyond).
We have to be clear, crystal clear, that self-determination is unattainable without an economic base. And not just your standard economic base, meaning a capitalist oriented one, but a democratic one. Self-determination is not possible within the capitalist social framework, because the endless pursuit of profits that drives this system only empowers private ownership and the individual appropriation of wealth by design. The end result of this system is massive inequality and inequity. We know this from the brutality of our present experience and the nightmares of history demonstrated to us time and time again over the course of the last 500 years.
We strive to build a democratic economy because it is the surest route to equity, equality, and ecological balance. Reproducing capitalism, either in its market oriented or state-dictated forms, will only replicate the inequities and inequalities that have plagued humanity since the dawn of the agricultural revolution. We believe that the participatory, bottom-up democratic route to economic democracy and eco-socialist transformation will be best secured through the anchor of worker self-organization, the guiding structures of cooperatives and systems of mutual aid and communal solidarity, and the democratic ownership, control, and deployment of the ecologically friendly and labor liberating technologies of the forth industrial revolution.
As students of history, we have done our best to try and assimilate the hard lessons from the 19th and 20th century national liberation and socialist movements. We are clear that self-determination expressed as national sovereignty is a trap if the nation-state does not dislodge itself from the dictates of the capitalist system. Remaining within the capitalist world-system means that you have to submit to the domination and rule of capital, which will only empower the national bourgeoisie against the rest of the population contained with the nation-state edifice. However, we are just as clear that trying to impose economic democracy or socialism from above is not only very problematic as an anti-democratic endeavor, but it doesn’t dislodge capitalist social relations, it only shifts the issues of labor control and capital accumulation away from the bourgeoisie and places it in the hands of the state or party bureaucrats. We are clear that economic democracy and the transition to eco-socialism have to come from below, not from above. That workers and communities have to drive the social transformation process through their self-organization and self-management, not be subject to it. This does not mean that individuals, organizations, and political forces shouldn’t try to intervene or influence the development of the working class and our communities. We believe that we should openly and aggressively present our best ideas, programs, strategies, tactics, plans, etc. to the working class and to our communities in open forums, discussions, town halls, assemblies, etc., and debate them out in a principled democratic fashion to allow the working class and our communities to decide for themselves whether they make sense and are worth implementing and pursuing.
The following was an excerpt from the forthcoming book Jackson Rising: The Struggle for Economic Democracy and Self-Determination in Jackson, Mississippi. Jackson Rising is a chronicle of one of the most dynamic, but under-documented experiments in radical social transformation taking place in the United States. The book documents the ongoing organizing and institution building of the political forces concentrated in Jackson, Mississippi dedicated to advancing the “Jackson-Kush Plan”. These forces include the Jackson People’s Assembly, the New Afrikan People’s Organization, the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, the Jackson Human Rights Institute and Cooperation Jackson.
The “Jackson-Kush Plan” is a strategy written by Kali Akuno and collectively developed by activists in the New Afrikan People’s Organization and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement in the mid-2000’s to advance the struggle for socialism in the United States and self-determination for people of Afrikan descent in Mississippi and the US South.
To read more Click or Copy link: http://atlantablackstar.com/2017/05/21/build-fight-program-strategy-cooperation-jackson/Post Views: 395
By Elliot Booker — 2 years ago
11-year-old girlDec. 6, 2017 Grand Rapids, Mich. Related Article »
A police body camera video shows an 11-year-old girl being held at gunpoint and then handcuffed as she screamed. Chief David Rahinsky of the Grand Rapids Police Department said in a news conference that the episode was “inappropriate.”Grand Rapids Police Department
Richard Hubbard IIIAug. 12, 2017 Euclid, Ohio Related Article »
A police dashcam video shows Richard Hubbard III, 25, being beaten during a traffic stop in the Cleveland suburb of Euclid, Ohio. Officer Michael Amiott can be seen repeatedly punching Mr. Hubbard, who is black, and hitting his head on the pavement.Euclid Police Department
Demetrius Bryan HollinsApril 12, 2017 Lawrenceville, Ga. Related Article »
Cellphone video shows Demetrius B. Hollins, 21, being kicked in the head and punched in the face by two officers during a traffic stop. The Gwinnett County Police Department later dismissed 89 cases involving the officers, Robert McDonald and Sgt. Michael F. Bongiovanni, who were fired and face criminal charges.Black Lives Matter Greater Atlanta
Nania CainApril 10, 2017 Sacramento, Calif. Related Article »
Footage from a dashboard camera and a cellphone shows Nania Cain being thrown to the ground and repeatedly punched in the face by an officer who claims Mr. Cain had allegedly jaywalked. Mr. Cain, 24, was initially charged with resisting arrest, but was released the next morning. The Sacramento police officer was placed on paid administrative leave.Naomi Montaie via Facebook, Sacramento Police Department
Dejuan HallMarch 10, 2017 Vallejo, Calif.
Dejuan Hall, 23, was chased and apprehended by a police officer who is seen punching Mr. Hall and striking him with an object. In a bystander video, people can be heard yelling, “Police brutality.” The Vallejo police officer then shouts back: “Shut up. Get back,” and brandishes his gun.
A Rolesville High School studentJan. 3, 2017 Rolesville, N.C. Related Article »
Cellphone video shows a police officer slamming a 15-year-old female to the floor in effort to stop a fight involving three students. Officer Ruben De Los Santos was placed on paid administrative leave, and did not face criminal charges. He resigned in March.@ahunnaaa_ via Twitter
Jacqueline Craig and her childrenDec. 21, 2016 Fort Worth, Tex. Related Article »
Jacqueline Craig, 46, and her daughters, ages 15 and 19, were arrested after reporting to police that a neighbor had choked her 7-year-old son for littering. Bodycam video shows the responder, Officer William Martin, asking the mother, “Why don’t you teach your son not to litter?” Later, he aims a Taser toward the family and then handcuffs the women. Mr. Martin received a 10-day suspension for excessive force and continues to defend his actions.YouTube video uploaded by Shaun King
Charles KinseyJuly 18, 2016 North Miami, Fla. Related Article »
Charles Kinsey, a behavioral therapist, was trying to help a young man who has autism when Mr. Kinsey was shot in the leg by a North Miami police officer. Jonathan Aledda, the officer, was fired for shooting the 47-year-old. His commander, Emile Hollant, is to be fired as well.@toddtongen via Twitter
Carnell Snell Jr.Oct. 1, 2016 Los Angeles Related Article »
Carnell Snell Jr., 18, was fatally shot by the police in a strip mall parking lot. Surveillance video shows Mr. Snell running into the parking lot while tucking what appeared to be a handgun into his pants. The video was released after two days of protests over the shooting.Los Angeles Police Department
Keith Lamont ScottSept. 20, 2016 Charlotte, N.C. Related Article »
Keith Lamont Scott, 43, was fatally shot by the police at his apartment complex. The police were there to serve someone else with a warrant. Mr. Scott had parked his car in a visitor’s space, where he often waited for one of his children to return home on a bus. The video was captured by his wife on her cellphone.Evan Grothjan/The New York Times
Terence CrutcherSept. 16, 2016 Tulsa, Okla. Related Article »
Terence Crutcher, 40, was fatally shot by a Tulsa police officer who was responding to reports of an abandoned vehicle in the road. Footage from the dashboard camera of a police car shows Mr. Crutcher walking toward a car with his hands raised before being Tasered and then shot.The New York Times
Paul O’NealJuly 28, 2016 Chicago, Ill. Related Article »
Videos taken from police officers’ body and dashboard cameras show two officers firing their guns at a stolen car moments before the driver, Paul O’Neal, 18, crashed it into a police vehicle. Mr. O’Neal was shot and killed in the back as he fled the scene and ran behind a nearby house. Police officers could be seen gathering around Mr. O’Neal as he lay on the ground.Chicago Police Dept.
Joseph MannJuly 11, 2016 Sacramento Related Article »
Dashboard camera audio suggests that police officers tried to hit Joseph Mann with their patrol car as he fled on foot. “I’m going to hit him,” one officer is heard saying. “Go for it,” another says. Officers then followed Mr. Mann on foot and fired 18 shots, 14 of which hit him.Sacramento Police Department
Philando CastileJuly 6, 2016 Falcon Heights, Minn. Related Article »
Philando Castile, 32, was fatally shot during a traffic stop in a St. Paul suburb, the aftermath of which was captured in a grisly video recorded by the car’s front-seat passenger and streamed live as the man slumped against her. Her young daughter sat in the back seat. In June, a jury found the Minnesota police officer, Jeronimo Yanez, not guilty of all charges, including second-degree manslaughter. Dashboard camera video was released days later.Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension, Diamond Reynolds
Alton SterlingJuly 5, 2016 Baton Rouge, La. Related Article »
A cellphone video shows a black man, Alton Sterling, 37, being tackled and then held to the ground by two white officers. Someone shouts, “He’s got a gun!” and one officer appears to hold a gun above Mr. Sterling’s chest. Multiple gunshots are heard while Mr. Sterling is pinned down. Mr. Sterling died at the scene.Nola.com
South Carolina High School StudentOct. 26, 2015 Columbia, S.C. Related Article »
Videos, apparently shot by students in a high school classroom, show a white school police officer grabbing an African-American student by the neck, flipping her backward as she sat at her desk, then dragging and throwing her across the floor.YouTube video uploaded by Reginald Seabrooks
James BlakeSept. 9, 2015 New York Related Article »
James Blake, a retired tennis star who is biracial, was standing outside a Manhattan hotel when Officer James Frascatore threw him to the ground, mistaking him for a thief. Investigators studying the surveillance video concluded that the officer had used excessive force.New York City Police Dept.
Christian TaylorAug. 7, 2015 Arlington, Tex. Related Article »
Surveillance cameras at a car dealership showed what occurred just before a white rookie police officer shot and killed Christian Taylor, 19, an unarmed black college student and football player. Officer Brad Miller was fired for using poor judgment.Classic Buick GMC
Samuel DuboseJuly 19, 2015 Related Article »
The body camera for Officer Ray Tensing, of the University of Cincinnati police, captured the moment when he shot Samuel Dubose, 43, during a traffic stop involving a missing front license plate. Officer Tensing, who is white, faced a jury twice on charges relating to the death of Mr. Dubose. Both times ended in a mistrial.Hamilton County Prosecutor
Sandra BlandJuly 10, 2015 Prairie View, Tex. Related Article »
Dashboard camera video revealed that the white Texas State trooper who pulled over Sandra Bland, 28, threatened her with a stun gun as their encounter escalated, partly because of her apparent unwillingness to snuff out a cigarette. Ms. Bland, a black woman, was arrested and later found dead in a jail cell.Texas Department of Public Safety
A Teenager and a Pool PartyJune 5, 2015 McKinney, Tex. Related Article »
Cellphone video showed a white police officer, David Eric Casebolt, pointing a gun at teenagers in bathing suits and shoving a black girl’s face into the ground.YouTube video uploaded by Brandon Brooks
Freddie GrayApril 12, 2015 Baltimore Related Article »
Freddie Gray, 25, suffered a spinal injury while in police custody. He died a week later. The six officers involved in his arrest, a mix of black and white, were charged with crimes that included murder and manslaughter.YouTube video uploaded by The Attorney Depot
Walter L. ScottApril 4, 2015 North Charleston, S.C. Related Article »
A bystander recorded a white officer, Michael T. Slager, shooting an unarmed black man, Walter L. Scott, 50, in the back as he ran away. The video showed Mr. Slager firing eight times then casually walking over to Mr. Scott, who was pronounced dead at the scene.Video made available to The New York Times
Tamir RiceNov. 22, 2014 Cleveland Related Article »
Surveillance video showed Officer Timothy Loehmann, who is white, hopping out of a police cruiser and immediately firing two shots at Tamir Rice, 12, killing him at close range. Before the shooting, Tamir, who was black, had been using a fake gun that looked strikingly like the real thing.Northeast Ohio Media Group
Laquan McDonaldOct. 20, 2014 Chicago Related Article »
A dashcam video shows Laquan McDonald, 17, running, then walking past police officers when he is struck by bullets. One of the officers, Jason Van Dyke, who is white, was charged with murder on Nov. 24, 2015. Mr. McDonald, who is black, was shot 16 times.Chicago Police Dept.
Michael BrownAug. 9, 2014 Ferguson, Mo. Related Article »
A bystander’s video showed Michael Brown, 18, lying in the middle of the street after being shot and killed by a white officer named Darren Wilson. His body stayed in the street for hours. He was unarmed. Mr. Wilson was not indicted.Ace Johnson via Facebook
Eric GarnerJuly 17, 2014 Staten Island Related Article »
Eric Garner, 43, died after police officers tried to arrest him for the illegal sale of cigarettes. He was wrestled to the ground and placed in a chokehold. A cellphone camera held by a friend recorded the struggle as Mr. Garner told the police multiple times, “I can’t breathe.”Post Views: 633