We are calling for (minimally) one million Race-conscious Black voters to join forces with us, and as our One Million continue to hear and heed our call-to-arms, the abundance of talent, skills, and expertise to be found among you will readily become evident, and each of you will begin to find or make your place in our ranks, and take on assignments critical to our eventual success.
What is a “Conscious Black Voter?” The One Million Conscious Black Voters and Contributors Movement refers to Black individuals who are fully aware that our race needs the best-and-brightest we produce to place the interests of our people collectively in “first-position.” In doing so, we put into practice what all other racial and ethnic groups do routinely and automatically.
This is By calling the best and brightest among us to join forces and pool resources to build the capacity of our race to advance and protect its collective interests, the One Million Conscious Black Voters and Contributors campaign seeks to have black people do what other groups have done and do every day: Lift ourselves out of our lowly condition by our own collective efforts! A conscious Black voter would do this by voting as part of a solid block of Black voters determined to influence public policy decisions so that they favor rather than hurt black people, and open pathways to a better future for our children.
Correspondingly, a conscious Black contributor would readily pool his/her financial and other resources and resourcefulness to provide the wherewithal to underwrite the costs of projects and programs designed and intended to serve the needs and interests of our people.
To the skeptics out there who think Black folks are too individualistic to come together in such a large number, that one million Black folks will not cooperate, that we have too many schisms among us, and we will not trust one another, we say, “Not so.”
To the doubters who continue to have faith in Democratic AND Republican platforms, which have ignored our needs, collaborated against our best interests, and engaged in flawed analyses of problems and the solutions thereof, we say, “not so fast.”
We submit to you that even within the most reactionary, non-revolutionary Black person there is at least a REMNANT of a DESIRE to love Black people; and it is that residue of unrequited love that we are appealing to. Our assertion is that there are at least 1 million Black folks actively seeking for ways, means and reasons for us to come together to take corrective ACTION.
We invite you to become One of the Million Conscious Black Voters and help us break the ties that bind our people to dependency, self-negation, and the lowest rung on the political, social and economic ladder of American society.
Be “One of the Million” and let’s finally let our people and everyone else know that we are very serious about being economically and politically empowered.
PLEASE JOIN http://www.iamoneofthemillion.com/
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By Elliot Booker — 3 years ago
The Associated Press
Sam DuBose was pulled over near the University of Cincinnati campus for a missing front license plate. Walter Scott got stopped for a broken taillight in South Carolina.
Neither black man got out of the traffic stops alive.
Former university police Officer Ray Tensing, 26, is on trial for murder in Cincinnati in the July 2015 fatal shooting of DuBose, 43. Former North Charleston, South Carolina, officer Michael Slager, 34, is on trial for murder in Charleston in the April 2015 fatal shooting of Scott, 50. Both officers, who are white, have pleaded not guilty.
The cases are among a series across the country since mid-2014 — from the fatal shooting of a 12-year-old boy in a Cleveland recreation area to that of a 66-year-old woman in her Bronx, New York, apartment — that have raised a national debate over race and policing.
A summary of other deaths of black people after police encounters:
The 43-year-old man died in July 2014 in New York City after a white officer placed him in a chokehold during an arrest for selling loose cigarettes. A grand jury declined to indict the officer who put Garner in the hold or any of the other officers involved in the arrest. The city agreed to pay a $6 million civil settlement.
The 18-year-old was shot and killed in August 2014 in Ferguson, Missouri, a suburb of St. Louis. A grand jury declined to indict Darren Wilson, the white officer who shot him. The Department of Justice also opted against bringing civil rights charges against Wilson. The death of Brown, who was unarmed, led to months of sometimes-violent Ferguson protests and became a catalyst for the Black Lives Matter movement, which rebukes police treatment of minorities.
JOHN CRAWFORD III
Police in the Dayton, Ohio, suburb of Beavercreek responded to a Wal-Mart store in August 2014 on a call of a man waving an apparent rifle. A white officer fatally shot Crawford III, 22, who was carrying what turned out to be an air rifle from a store shelf. Police said they believed it was a real gun and that he didn’t respond to their commands to put it down. A grand jury declined to indict the officers. The U.S. Justice Department has been reviewing the case.
Chicago Police Officer Jason Van Dyke is charged with first-degree murder in the Oct. 20, 2014, shooting death of black teenager Laquan McDonald. Van Dyke, who is white, was charged in November 2015 on the same day that the city, under judge’s orders, released dashcam video showing the 17-year-old McDonald being shot 16 times. Van Dyke has pleaded not guilty and is free on bond. The video has prompted local and federal investigations of both the shooting and the Police Department.
Peter Liang, a rookie New York City police officer, was convicted Feb. 11 of manslaughter in the November 2014 death of the 28-year-old Gurley. Liang was patrolling a public housing high-rise with his gun drawn in 2014 when he fired and a bullet ricocheted off a wall, hitting Gurley. Liang, an American of Chinese descent, said he had been holding his weapon safely when a sound jarred him and he accidentally fired. In April, a judge reduced the conviction to negligent homicide and sentenced Liang to five years’ probation and 800 hours of community service. An attorney for Gurley’s family said in August that New York City reached a settlement of more than $4 million with the family.
Twelve-year-old Tamir Rice was fatally shot by a white Cleveland police officer near a gazebo in a recreational area in November 2014. Officers were responding to a report of a man waving a gun. The boy, who had a pellet gun tucked in his waistband, was shot right after their cruiser skidded to a stop a few feet away. A grand jury in December 2015 declined to indict patrolman Timothy Loehmann, who fired the fatal shot, and training officer Frank Garmback. The city in 2016 agreed to settle a federal lawsuit filed by Tamir Rice’s family for $6 million.
The 25-year-old man entered a Baltimore police van in April 2015 shackled but alive. He died of severe neck injuries suffered during the ride that followed. His death led to rioting. Prosecutors in July 2016 said they were dropping charges against the remaining police officers awaiting trial, leaving no convictions against six officers who were charged initially in the case. Gray’s family agreed to a $6.4 million settlement with the city in September 2015.
Former Tulsa County volunteer sheriff’s deputy Robert Bates, age 74, was sentenced in June to four years in prison on a second-degree manslaughter conviction in the April 2015 death of Harris, 44, an unarmed and restrained black man, during a sting operation. Bates, who is white, has said he confused his stun gun with his handgun. That shooting led to the temporary suspension of the reserve deputy program after a report found poor training of the volunteer officers, a lack of oversight and cronyism. Bates is appealing his conviction.
WILLIAM CHAPMAN II
Former Portsmouth, Virginia, Police Officer Stephen Rankin was sentenced Oct. 12 to 2½ years in prison for fatally shooting William Chapman II, 18. Rankin shot the unarmed Chapman on April 22, 2015, after responding to a shoplifting call outside a Wal-Mart store. Prosecutors allege Rankin killed Chapman “willfully, deliberately and with premeditation.” Chapman’s body was delivered to the medical examiner with handcuffs still bound behind his back, according to news reports at the time. Some witnesses said Chapman was combative, and one said he knocked away Rankin’s stun gun, according to the reports. Rankin, who is white, was fired after the shooting.
Michael Slager faces 30 years to life in prison if convicted of murder in the shooting death of Scott in April 2015 in South Carolina. The shooting was captured on cellphone video by a passer-by. Slager told investigators Scott had grabbed his Taser and pointed the stun gun at him as they fought on the ground. Slager was fired by the North Charleston Police Department. There has been a $6.5 million settlement between North Charleston and the Scott family. Slager also faces federal charges including for allegedly violating Scott’s civil rights.
Ray Tensing faces 15 years to life if convicted of murder of Sam DuBose, killed in July 2015 near the University of Cincinnati campus. Tensing’s body camera captured much of the traffic stop, although the two sides dispute what conclusions can be reached. Tensing’s attorney says DuBose was using his car as a weapon that could have killed him. The university fired Tensing, hired outside consultants, and restructured its public safety department. The school also reached a $5.3 million settlement that includes free undergraduate tuition for DuBose’s 13 children.
A federal prosecutor announced in September there was insufficient evidence to file civil rights charges in the July 2015 fatal shooting of Stewart, 19, by Officer Connor Schilling. Schilling, a white Memphis, Tennessee, police officer, shot Stewart during a struggle following a traffic stop that escalated after an attempted arrest for outstanding warrants. Schilling has said he shot Stewart because he feared for his life. He retired due to a disability, police said, in a move that allows him to receive disability pay. A grand jury in November 2015 declined to charge the officer.
Jeremy McDole, 28, was sitting in his wheelchair when he was shot and killed in September 2015 in Wilmington, Delaware, after police received a 911 call about a man with a gun. A bystander’s cellphone footage showed officers repeatedly telling McDole to drop his weapon and raise his hands, with McDole reaching for his waist area before shots erupted. The Delaware attorney general’s office decided against criminal charges against four Wilmington police officers involved, although investigators concluded one officer showed “extraordinarily poor” police work.
Former Columbus, Mississippi, police officer Canyon Boykin, who is white, was indicted in September for manslaughter in the shooting death of Ricky Ball, 26. Boykin, facing trial Nov. 28, has said he shot Ball because the man appeared to point a gun at him during a foot chase in October 2015. The city fired Boykin as he was trying to resign, saying he had broken department policy by not turning on his body camera, by inviting his fiancee to ride along without permission, and by making derogatory social media posts about African-Americans, women and disabled people. Boykin has sued the city, claiming violations of his constitutional rights.
A Florida grand jury cleared two police officers in September who fatally shot Semer, an unarmed black motorist, in April 2016 as he fled. Prosecutors said the man’s actions gave the officers a reasonable belief that their lives were in danger. The St. Lucie County Grand Jury cleared Fort Pierce police Sgt. Brian MacNaught and officer Keith Holmes for the shooting of Semer, 21, during a traffic stop. Prosecutors say their investigation showed he refused to get out of his car and then tried to drive away, clipping Holmes and dragging MacNaught. Both officers are white.
Sterling, 37, was shot to death July 5, 2016, as two white officers pinned him to the pavement outside a convenience store where he had been selling CDs. The killing was captured on cellphone video and circulated widely online, sparking widespread demonstrations across Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Officers Blane Salamoni and Howie Lake II were placed on administrative leave. Neither officer has been charged in the case, which was turned over to federal investigators.
Castile was shot and killed July 6 by officer Jeronimo Yanez, who is Hispanic, after being pulled over as he drove through a St. Paul, Minnesota, suburb with his girlfriend and her young daughter in the car. His girlfriend began livestreaming on Facebook shortly after the shooting and said Castile, 32, was shot while reaching for his ID after telling the officer he had a gun permit and was armed. Yanez and his partner, Joseph Kauser, who was present for the shooting, were placed on administrative leave. The Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension has turned its findings over to a county prosecutor, who will review the case.
The 13-year-old Ohio youth was fatally shot by a Columbus police officer Sept. 14 after running from police investigating a reported armed robbery. Police said he a pulled a BB gun that looked like a real firearm. Officer Bryan Mason, who is white, was put on administrative desk duty while the investigation into Tyre King’s death continues. The attorney for his family has asked for a Justice Department review.
KEITH LAMONT SCOTT
The North Carolina State bureau of Investigation is reviewing the fatal Sept. 20 shooting of Scott by a black Charlotte-Mecklenburg police officer. Scott, 43, was sitting in his vehicle in the parking lot of his Charlotte apartment complex when he was shot by police trying to find a different man. Police video showed officers shouting for Scott to drop a gun numerous times as he slowly backed out of an SUV. Scott’s family said he did not have a gun and was reading a book. The shooting, part of which was recorded by his wife and shared widely on social media, caused days of violent protests and a state of emergency to be declared in Charlotte.
Tulsa, Oklahoma, police Officer Betty Jo Shelby was charged with first-degree manslaughter on Sept. 22 in the shooting of Crutcher, an unarmed man. Shelby, who is white, shot the 40-year-old Crutcher on Sept. 16 shortly after she arrived on a street to find his SUV stopped in the middle of the road. Crutcher was seen without a weapon and with his hands up on videos from a patrol car dashboard and a police helicopter before Shelby shot him. Police Chief Chuck Jordan has said that Crutcher did not have a gun on his body or in his SUV when he was shot. Shelby has pleaded not guilty and is on unpaid leave.
In the San Diego suburb of El Cajon, a police officer opened fire on Ugandan refugee Alfred Olango within a minute of arriving at the scene on Sept. 27. Olango’s sister had described her brother as mentally unbalanced in multiple 911 calls. Video released by police shows the officer approached the 38-year-old man with gun drawn, as Olango paced in a strip mall parking lot. Olango pulls something from his pocket, takes what police call a “shooting stance,” and aims something at the officer, who then fires his gun. A second officer fired his Taser simultaneously. The object in Olango’s hands turned out to be a 4-inch electronic cigarette device. The two officers were placed on leave as the district attorney investigates.
New York police were responding Oct. 18 to a 911 call about an emotionally disturbed person when Sgt. Hugh Barry encountered Danner, 66, in her Bronx apartment. The mentally ill woman picked up a baseball bat in her bedroom and tried to hit Barry, who fired shots that killed her. New York’s mayor rebuked him publicly the next day, and he has been stripped of his badge and gun and placed on desk duty while the state attorney general’s office determines whether the case falls under its authority to investigate police shootings of unarmed civilians. Police are also investigating the officer’s actions.Post Views: 385
By Elliot Booker — 3 years ago
Live with REVIVE:
On Air Poetry Slam!!!
WE’RE CALLING ALL POETS TO PERFORM!
If you are a poet, spoken word artist, or a lyricist we want YOU to SLAM! Send me a direct message on Twitter or Facebook @REVIVE_POC or email at firstname.lastname@example.org for details on participating!
Tune in to REVIVE on 5/7/17 for our On Air Poetry Slam!#REVIVE #Spit #Poetry #PoetrySlam #Lyricist #Poet #Artists #Spokenword #REVIVEPost Views: 350
By Elliot Booker — 2 years ago
African Americans are better off in many ways but are still
disadvantaged by racial inequality
The year 1968 was a watershed in American history and black America’s ongoing fight for equality. In April of that year, Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated in Memphis and riots broke out in cities around the country. Rising against this tragedy, the Civil Rights Act of 1968 outlawing housing discrimination was signed into law. Tommie Smith and John Carlos raised their fists in a black power salute as they received their medals at the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City. Arthur Ashe became the first African American to win the U.S. Open singles title, and Shirley Chisholm became the first African American woman elected to the House of Representatives.
The same year, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, better known as the Kerner Commission, delivered a report to President Johnson examining the causes of civil unrest in African American communities. The report named “white racism”—leading to “pervasive discrimination in employment, education and housing”—as the culprit, and the report’s authors called for a commitment to “the realization of common opportunities for all within a single [racially undivided] society.”1 The Kerner Commission report pulled together a comprehensive array of data to assess the specific economic and social inequities confronting African Americans in 1968.
Where do we stand as a society today? In this brief report, we compare the state of black workers and their families in 1968 with the circumstances of their descendants today, 50 years after the Kerner report was released. We find both good news and bad news. While African Americans are in many ways better off in absolute terms than they were in 1968, they are still disadvantaged in important ways relative to whites. In several important respects, African Americans have actually lost ground relative to whites, and, in a few cases, even relative to African Americans in 1968.
Following are some of the key findings:
- African Americans today are much better educated than they were in 1968 but still lag behind whites in overall educational attainment. More than 90 percent of younger African Americans (ages 25 to 29) have graduated from high school, compared with just over half in 1968—which means they’ve nearly closed the gap with white high school graduation rates. They are also more than twice as likely to have a college degree as in 1968 but are still half as likely as young whites to have a college degree.
- The substantial progress in educational attainment of African Americans has been accompanied by significant absolute improvements in wages, incomes, wealth, and health since 1968. But black workers still make only 82.5 cents on every dollar earned by white workers, African Americans are 2.5 times as likely to be in poverty as whites, and the median white family has almost 10 times as much wealth as the median black family.
- With respect to homeownership, unemployment, and incarceration, America has failed to deliver any progress for African Americans over the last five decades. In these areas, their situation has either failed to improve relative to whites or has worsened. In 2017 the black unemployment rate was 7.5 percent, up from 6.7 percent in 1968, and is still roughly twice the white unemployment rate. In 2015, the black homeownership rate was just over 40 percent, virtually unchanged since 1968, and trailing a full 30 points behind the white homeownership rate, which saw modest gains over the same period. And the share of African Americans in prison or jail almost tripled between 1968 and 2016 and is currently more than six times the white incarceration rate.
The most important development since 1968 is that African Americans today are much better educated than they were in 1968. These absolute improvements in educational attainment—including substantial increases in both high school and college completion rates—have opened important doors for black workers compared with their counterparts 50 years ago. In relative terms, African Americans today are almost as likely as whites to have completed high school. But even though the share of younger African Americans with a college degree has more than doubled, African Americans today are still only about half as likely to have a college degree as whites of the same age.
High school graduation rates. Over the last five decades, African Americans have seen substantial gains in high school completion rates. In 1968, just over half (54.4 percent) of 25- to 29-year-old African Americans had a high school diploma. Today, more than nine out of 10 African Americans (92.3 percent) in the same age range had a high school diploma. (See Table 1 for all data presented in this report.)
The large increase in high school completion rates helped to close the gap relative to whites. In 1968, African Americans trailed whites by more than 20 percentage points (75.0 percent of whites had completed high school, compared with 54.4 percent of blacks). In the most recent data, the gap is just 3.3 percentage points (95.6 percent for whites versus 92.3 percent for African Americans).
College graduation rates. College graduation rates have also improved for African Americans. Among 25- to 29-year-olds, less than one in 10 (9.1 percent) had a college degree in 1968, a figure that has climbed to almost one in four (22.8 percent) today.
Over the same period, however, college completion expanded for whites at a similar pace, rising from 16.2 percent in 1968 to 42.1 percent today, leaving the relative situation of African Americans basically unchanged: in 1968 blacks were just over half (56.0 percent) as likely as whites to have a college degree, a situation that is essentially the same today (54.2 percent).2
We would expect that these kinds of increases in the absolute levels of formal education would translate into large improvements in economic and related outcomes for African Americans. The rest of our indicators test the validity of this assumption.
The unemployment rate for African Americans in 2017 (the last full year of data) was 7.5 percent, 0.8 percentage points higher than it was in 1968 (6.7 percent). The unemployment rate for whites was 3.8 percent in 2017 and 3.2 percent in 1968.3
The unemployment data for these two years, almost 50 years apart, demonstrate a longstanding and unfortunate economic regularity: the unemployment rate for black workers is consistently about twice as high as it is for white workers.
Wages and income
Hourly wages. The inflation-adjusted hourly wage of the typical black worker rose 30.5 percent between 1968 and 2016, or about 0.6 percent per year. This slow rate of growth is particularly disappointing given the large increase in educational attainment among African Americans over these decades.
Even slower real wage growth (about 0.2 percent per year) for the typical white worker—albeit starting from a higher initial wage—meant that African Americans did modestly close the racial wage gap over the last five decades. But, in 2016, by the hourly wage measure used here, the typical black worker still only made 82.5 cents on every dollar earned by the typical white worker.4
Household income. The inflation-adjusted annual income of the typical African American household increased 42.8 percent between 1968 and 2016, slightly outpacing income growth for the typical white household (36.7 percent). But the typical black household today still receives only 61.6 percent of the annual income received by the typical white household.5
Poverty rates. The share of African Americans living in poverty has declined substantially in the last five decades. Using the official federal poverty measure as a benchmark, over one-third (34.7 percent) of African Americans were in poverty in 1968. Today, the share in poverty is just over one in five (21.4 percent). For whites, the decline in the poverty rate was much smaller, from 10.0 percent in 1968 to 8.8 percent in 2016. In the most recent data, African Americans are about 2.5 times as likely to be in poverty as whites. (In 1968, they were 3.5 times as likely to be in poverty.)6
The typical black family had almost no wealth in 1968 ($2,467; data refer to 19637). Today, that figure is about six times larger ($17,409), but it is still not that far from zero when you consider that families typically draw on their wealth for larger expenses, such as meeting basic needs over the course of retirement, paying for their children’s college education, putting a down payment on a house, or coping with a job loss or medical crisis.
Over the same period, the wealth of the typical white family almost tripled, from a much higher initial level. In 2016, the median African American family had only 10.2 percent of the wealth of the median white family ($17,409 versus $171,000).8
Homeownership. One of the most important forms of wealth for working and middle-class families is home equity. Yet, the share of black households that owned their own home remained virtually unchanged between 1968 (41.1 percent) and today (41.2 percent). Over the same period, homeownership for white households increased 5.2 percentage points to 71.1 percent, about 30 percentage points higher than the ownership rate for black households.9
Infant mortality. Over the last five decades, African Americans have experienced enormous improvements in infant mortality rates. The number of deaths per 1,000 live births has fallen from 34.9 in 1968 to 11.4 in the most recent data. Over the same period, whites have also seen dramatic reductions in infant mortality, with rates falling from 18.8 to 4.9 by the same measure.
In relative terms, however, African Americans have fallen behind. In 1968, black infants were about 1.9 times as likely to die as white infants. Today, the rate is 2.3 times higher for African Americans.10
Life expectancy. African Americans’ life expectancy at birth has also increased substantially (up 11.5 years) between 1968 and today, outpacing the increase for whites (up 7.5 years). But an African American born today can, on average, still expect to live about 3.5 fewer years than a white person born on the same day.11
The share of African Americans in prison or jail almost tripled between 1968 (604 of every 100,000 in the total population) and 2016 (1,730 per 100,000).
The share of whites in prison or jail has also increased dramatically, but from a much lower base. In 1968, about 111 of every 100,000 whites were incarcerated. In the most recent data, the share has increased to 270 per 100,000.
In 1968, African Americans were about 5.4 times as likely as whites to be in prison or jail. Today, African Americans are 6.4 times as likely as whites to be incarcerated, which is especially troubling given that whites are also much more likely to be incarcerated now than they were in 1968Post Views: 421